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Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1148 - 162, The Pyrrhic Russo-Japanese War
"Hmph!"
"The Austrians are sure that we wouldn’t dare..."
As the words reached his lips, Nicholas II swallowed them back. There was no way around it; the Tsarist Government truly did not dare to break the alliance treaty.
With the treaty in place, there were constraints. The Vienna Government could only engage in covert actions at most and would not overtly target the Russian Empire.
Without the treaty, it would be about more than just restricting supplies of strategic materials—it would be open support for independence movements.
"Dismantling the Russian Empire" was a shared dream among European politicians, and Vienna was no exception.
The rebel army already posed enough trouble domestically, and with the backing of a world hegemon, the situation would only become more difficult to manage.
Although Nicholas II was not particularly strategic-minded, he was well-versed in the rules of the political game and knew how to use them to Russia’s greatest advantage.
"Well, since the Austrians are shirking their responsibilities, let’s put these foreign affairs on hold for now. Once we catch our breath, we’ll find an opportunity to settle accounts with them.
As allies, we have asked them for help. The Vienna Government can’t possibly show no response at all, can they?"
Suffering was inevitable; although the Russians were accustomed to being brash, it didn’t mean they didn’t know how to bide their time.
With so many countries plotting against Russia, it was clear that the Tsarist Government had provoked widespread anger. Even if the Vienna Government were willing to support them, in reality, they couldn’t do much.
For the Vienna Government, Russia was an ally, but so were the other European countries. If it’s a fight between allies, then they could only muddy the waters.
Nicholas II had no illusions that the Vienna Government could do much about it; the main hope was that other countries would lift the "embargo" on supplies.
Since the goal could not be achieved, the next best thing was to directly seek help from the Vienna Government.
Allies had an obligation to help each other. Although it would be somewhat embarrassing to have Shinra’s forces come in to suppress the rebellion, compared to swiftly stabilizing the situation, pride really didn’t count for much.
Foreign Minister Mihailovich: "The Vienna Government agrees to provide us with thirty thousand rifles, a thousand machine guns, five hundred artillery pieces, and a hundred tanks in military aid.
As for the request to send troops to suppress the rebellion, it was rejected on the grounds of ’not interfering in the internal affairs of an ally.’
However, they have promised to ensure logistical support for our troops on the Indian front. As soon as the World War ends, they will immediately resume exports of materials."
A significant amount of military aid was offered, but conspicuously lacking ammunition. Weapons without sufficient ammo in the hands of soldiers are nothing but firewood sticks.
If they were a bit more unscrupulous, by just delaying the delivery or playing tricks with the delivery location, soldiers might not even receive firewood sticks.
For instance: the Russian troops on the frontline in India.
"Not interfering in internal affairs" sounds decent, reflecting the Vienna Government’s respect for the sovereignty of its allies. But if they are not interfering in domestic matters, why provide weapons and equipment at all?
The most vexing part is that as the Central Government, the Vienna Government failed to keep its subordinates in check. The main force behind the support for the Polish independence movement was the Kingdom of Prussia.
In fact, this wasn’t the first time Prussia had engaged in such actions. Since Prussia returned to the Holy Roman Empire, it had become increasingly audacious.
From initially dealing with the Polish Independence Organization in secret to later openly harboring remnants of the "Prusso-Polish United Kingdom."
The Polish rebels’ upper and middle echelons of military officers had all served in the Prussian Army, and over half of the lower-level officers originated from the Prussian military.
The current turmoil in Warsaw could less be described as a Polish struggle for independence than as a continuation of the Prusso-Russian War.
Without the tacit approval of the Vienna Government, how could the Kingdom of Prussia dare to play such a risky game?
If Prusso-Polish historical ties are considered, Berlin’s support for the Polish independence movement could barely be justified but supporting the Lithuanian independence movement? What’s that about?
Funding, manpower, and effort—all these have costs. It’s not that we underestimate the Kingdom of Prussia, but given the Berlin Government’s resources, they really can’t afford such a gamble.
It’s not just the Kingdom of Prussia stirring things up; there’s also Sweden supporting the Finnish independence movement, Greece backing the Bulgarian movement, and those supporting Ukraine’s independence...
Each case, one after the other, points back to the Vienna Government. With the current international situation, the only power capable of coordinating all countries to take such actions against the Russian Empire other than the Holy Roman Empire is simply nonexistent.
Knowing full well who the mastermind is, Nicholas II still asks for help from the Vienna Government, essentially sending a political signal: We can’t keep this up and acknowledge you as the world’s leader, so please stop tormenting your junior partner.
But politics isn’t a game; admitting defeat doesn’t mean the end. The response from the Vienna Government was not enough to satisfy the Tsarist Government.
This World War was the last chance to carve up the world unless the Holy Roman Empire falls; otherwise, there won’t be a second opportunity.
Waiting until the end of the World War to resume exports of strategic materials to Russia is pretty much an outright admission: Russia has no part in this division of the world.
For the Tsarist Government, this was undoubtedly a disaster. Russia had also invested heavily in this World War.
Even though a civil war had started, not a single troop had been withdrawn from the front. Of course, withdrawing the troops wasn’t an option.
No matter how you look at it, millions of Russian soldiers had fought and bled in this war, making a remarkable contribution to this World War.
However, dividing the spoils doesn’t just consider contributions; it also looks at strength. The Russian Empire, caught in civil war, naturally didn’t have the power to compete with other nations for war trophies.
How much the Tsarist Government can benefit in the end depends on the integrity of the Vienna Government. Without having to think about it, even if they do receive some spoils of war, it will likely be nothing more than scraps.
Yet Nicholas II can’t afford to refuse it now, for if the Russian Empire were to do so, the days ahead would be even more painful.
The spoils of war are limited, and fewer participants would mean a larger share for those left. Especially without the Russian Empire, a behemoth in the mix, it’s a win for all the other nations.
The Vienna Government has already explicitly given up on India, and now it’s just Europe’s own squabbles. As long as the Russians are pushed out, everyone else can have their fill.
In the past, no one would dare to offend the Russian Empire, but now that interests involved were so substantial, they were large enough to drive countries mad with ambition.
Furthermore, the ever-so-subtle hints from the Vienna Government added fuel to their ambition. If the Tsarist Government refused to agree now, everyone would dare to go bear hunting.
...
The political confrontation ultimately came down to a show of strength.
The main force of the Russian Army was tied down at the front lines, while the troops used to suppress domestic rebellions were newly formed units, a rabble facing a rabble, so both sides met their match. Naturally, the rebellion suppression was not going smoothly.
The Russian forces on the Indian battlefield were better off, fighting alongside Allied Forces, with the Vienna Government backing them so they wouldn’t starve. freewebnσvel.cѳm
The Russian forces in the Far Eastern region suffered a crueler fate. Accompanied by the French laborer revolt in Siberia, all the supplies that the Tsarist Government had stockpiled along the way became the rebels’ provisions.
Having lost domestic supply support, the Russian forces in the Far Eastern region could only rely on smuggling for their supplies.
Despite the smugglers in the Far Eastern region being quite reliable, the Far Eastern Empire was, after all, an agricultural nation.
Basic supplies like food, cloth, tents, and cotton clothing could all be bought with money, but special items like medicine, weapons, ammunition, and aircraft parts were troublesome.
Especially after countries began blockading Russia, major arms dealers disappeared from sight, cutting off the Russian Army from obtaining substantial weapons and ammunition through smuggling.
Bullets were used sparingly, as one less each time one was fired; planes and airships were in an even worse predicament, as those days’ aircraft parts had short lifespans—usually requiring replacements after just a few flights.
Due to the lack of sufficient spare parts, the Russian air force in the Far Eastern region was forced to reduce missions, and after struggling for a while, they ultimately were grounded.
Even though the Russian Army remained valiant, flesh and blood could hardly stand against machine guns and artillery due to logistical constraints.
After suffering the terrible loss of 80,000 casualties, on October 24, 1905, the Japanese Army captured Vladivostok. Nearly 50,000 Russian defenders, out of ammunition, were forced to lay down their arms and surrender.
A month before that, the fortress... had already fallen. Despite the heavy toll paid by the Japanese Army, the situation in the Far Eastern region was utterly reversed.
Over the past year, the Tsarist Government lost a total of more than 500,000 soldiers in the Far Eastern region, with now less than 200,000 Russian forces remaining.
Even if the Siberian Railway were immediately restored to normal operation, with the loss of a significant number of troops and many strategic locations, the Russian Army likewise found itself without recourse.
...
Though Japan had won the Russo-Japanese War, the faces of the Japanese Government officials were still grave.
In past days, they were only concerned with striking a heavy blow to the Russian forces in the Far Eastern region and fulfilling the agreement with the Vienna Government, never minding the soldiers’ casualties.
Now with the war concluded and losses being counted, everyone was shocked at the staggering number of casualties.
As victors, Japan’s casualties were even larger than those of the Russian Army—380,000 killed, 760,000 injured.
(Note: Injured personnel could return to battle after recovery; hence there might be double counting)
It couldn’t be helped, for they were the attackers.
Although the Russian Army lacked weapons and ammunition toward the end, they were not short of food! Delaying was meaningless; they had no choice but to launch a fierce offensive.
Tragically, after the battle of Malacca, Japan’s trade routes with Europe were completely cut off, and all weapons and ammunition depended on domestic production.
Ordinary guns and artillery could barely be supplied, but cutting-edge planes and tanks became consumable goods.
Due to the lack of enough heavy artillery, the Japanese Army often had to fill gaps with lives. To make things worse, with bushido spirit rampant and the predominate mindset in the military being reckless bravery, they fought without thinking once engaged in battle.
Though valiant in combat, the price paid was astonishing. No one noticed during battle, but they couldn’t help being moved when tallying up after the fact.
Simply from the figures of casualties on paper, everyone could determine that the Japanese Empire had suffered a disastrous defeat. They had defeated the Russians, true, but at a cost far outweighing any gains.
The navy ruined, the army crippled, the national treasury could starve a mouse, and the country was flooded with white mourning banners. The ultimate gain was the chilling three words—"defeated nation."
Simply fulfilling the agreement did not resolve everything. To end the war, Japan would have to pay even more.
Moreover, the agreement with the Vienna Government was merely implied, with no written documents signed, not even a single concrete promise.
What the finale would be depended entirely on the Vienna Government’s integrity. Had Japan and Russia not become mortal enemies with no room for reconciliation, the Japanese Government would never have embarked on this path.
Even Ito Hirobumi, seasoned and composed, lacked his usual calmness. Despite having weathered great storms, he had never seen a potential tsunami that could overthrow Japan.
The crux of the problem was the "heavy losses." The Japanese Empire was in its weakest state, lacking any bargaining power.
Now, Ito Hirobumi didn’t dare bet that no enemy would come from afar because to face Japan now, no grand expedition was needed.
If the military simply blockaded the coastline, Japan, as an island country, would be immediately thrown into hardship.
"Gentlemen, relax. There’s an old saying in our neighboring Far Eastern Empire: ’Misfortune may be a blessing in disguise.’ It’s very apt for us now.
The Oceanic Alliance has collapsed, and as a losing party in the war, the Empire must pay a heavy price. Otherwise, the victorious nations would feel uneasy, but the Empire has already paid the price.
The Continental Alliance is not united either. It’s no secret that European countries are jointly suppressing the Russians.
We just did what they wanted to do but couldn’t directly handle. How could they be grateful if they were too busy thanking us to deliberately make things difficult for us?"
Explained Ito Hirobumi, forcing a tone of calm.